In light of the ongoing Israeli occupation and its attempts to alter the demographic reality in Palestine, the Arab refusal to displace Palestinians emerges as a central issue that reflects a commitment to the historical and humanitarian rights of this people. This rejection is not only rooted in national and historical dimensions but is also based on legal and ethical foundations that reinforce the right of Palestinians to remain in their land and to return to it.

In this context, we present five main reasons that drive Arabs to reject any attempts to uproot Palestinians from their homeland:

1. the right to return:

The Arabs reject the displacement of Palestinians because they believe that Palestinians have the right to return to their lands from which they were displaced following the Nakba of 1948. They believe that this right is part of humanitarian justice and the fundamental rights that peoples should enjoy.

2. National Identity.

The issue of the displacement of Palestinians contradicts the preservation of Palestinian national identity, and Arabs believe that the Palestinian people have a long history and culture that is deeply rooted in their land. Their displacement reinforces the occupying state's attempts to obliterate this identity.

3. Recognition of Palestinian rights:

The Arab rejection reflects a refusal to the attempts of the occupying state to cancel or manipulate the rights of Palestinians, including the right to establish an independent state on their lands. They emphasize that the displacement of Palestinians constitutes a violation of fundamental rights and leads to deepening injustice against them.

4. Arab solidarity:

The Palestinian people are not alone in their plight, and the Arab world feels a responsibility towards the Palestinians as part of the Arab nation. Arab support for the Palestinian cause reflects this solidarity.

5. International Law:

The expulsion of Palestinians contradicts the fundamental principles of international law, especially the United Nations Charter, which emphasizes the right of peoples to self-determination. Therefore, Arabs condemn any attempts to evict them or uproot them from their lands.

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Recovery of Antioch from the Crusaders in 491 AH 1268 AD

The Islamic Conquest of Antioch

Antioch is one of the cities of Levant that was covered by the Islamic conquest during the reign of Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab, may God be pleased with him. This city remained in the hands of the Muslims until the Crusades began against the lands of Islam in the year 491 AH.

Crusaders' Occupation of Antioch

Antioch was one of the first cities that the Crusaders were keen to occupy, due to its position controlling the roads located in the northern regions of the Levant. After its occupation, Antioch became the Crusaders' impregnable fortress in the north of the Levant, and it remained under their rule for nearly 170 years.

Baybars' Campaign to Recover Islamic Cities

When al-Zahir Baybars assumed power in 658 AH, he decided to recover the Islamic countries from the hands of the Crusaders. Baybars expelled the Tatars from the Levant, and began to conquer other cities one after the other. He conquered Caesarea, Arsuf, and Safed, then took Karak and Jaffa, and bombarded the castle of Acre.

The Siege and Conquest of Antioch

Baybars paved the way for the conquest of Antioch by isolating it from neighboring cities and cutting off all supplies. He divided his army into three teams: one headed to the Swedish port to sever the connection between Antioch and the sea, another headed north to block the passages between Qalqilya and the Levant to prevent supplies from Lesser Armenia, and the main division, led by Baybars, headed directly to Antioch.

Baybars laid a tight siege around Antioch and was able to enter the city on Ramadan 4, 666 AH / September 24, 1268 AD. The fall of Antioch is considered the greatest conquest the Muslims achieved against the Crusaders after the Battle of Hattin.

The Death of the Ottoman Caliph Abdul Hamid II

Early Life and Ascension

Sultan Abdul Hamid II, the son of Sultan Abdul Majeed I, the Ottoman, was born in the year 1258 AH. He assumed the caliphate in the year 1293 AH / 1876 AD, taking over the state while it was burdened with internal and external problems.

Internal and External Challenges

At home, he faced the confrontation of secular and Freemasonry movements. Abroad, Russian threats appeared strongly in the form of two successive wars. He also had to confront the British occupation of Egypt, Sudan, and Cyprus, and the French occupation of Algeria and Tunisia. Additionally, he dealt with fierce revolutions in the Balkans, especially in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro, with open and blatant incitement from the Russians.

Achievements and Reforms

Sultan Abdul Hamid II ruled for more than thirty years, during which he faced countless enemies at home and abroad. He saved the state from collapse after the war with Russia, suppressed the Cretan rebellion, defeated Greece, trained the army on modern fighting methods, opened various schools and universities, expanded urbanization, and established the Hijaz railway from Damascus to Medina, which was 1327 km long.

Confronting Jewish Attempts to Buy Palestine

One of the most important works of Sultan Abdul Hamid, in addition to establishing the Islamic University to confront Westernization, secularism, and Freemasonry movements, was his courageous response to the desperate attempts of the Jews to buy Palestine. This led to his eventual removal from office in 1327 AH / 1909 AD, orchestrated by the Dönmeh Jews in cooperation with international Zionism and the National Union and Progress Movement.

Exile and Death

Sultan Abdul Hamid II died in exile in Paris at the age of 76. He spent 20 years in exile after the abolition of the caliphate and his expulsion from Turkey in March 1923. He was buried in Medina in the land of the Two Holy Mosques.

Death of Lady Fatima Al-Zahra:

On the third of the month of Ramadan in the year eleven of the Hijra, the daughter of the Messenger of Allah, Fatima (may Allah be pleased with her), passed away and was buried in Al-Baqi at night. And that was six months after the death of the Prophet ﷺ.

Ali ibn Abi Talib married her after the migration and four months after the Battle of Badr. She gave birth to Hassan, Hussein, and Um Kulthum, who later married Umar ibn al-Khattab.

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) would visit his daughters after their marriages, bringing them joy and happiness. Among his practices with his daughters after their marriages was visiting them, inquiring about them, and intervening to reconcile them with their husbands if there was a problem that he was aware of. He did this in a way that ensured the restoration of harmony within the family if it served their interest. He visited Fatimah (may Allah be pleased with her) after her marriage and prayed for her and her husband, asking Allah to protect them and their offspring from the accursed Satan.

The Prophet, peace be upon him, said about his daughter Fatima: (Fatima is a part of me, and whoever makes her angry, makes me angry.")  Sahih al-Bukhari 3767

The fall of the Abbasid Caliphate at the hands of the Buyids and the entry of Jalal al-Dawla into Baghdad:

The Buwayhids, who were Persian Daylamites from northern Iran, occupied them for almost a century, from the mid-4th century to the mid-5th century AH (Islamic calendar). The Buwayhids were Shia, advocating for their sect and firmly controlling the Abbasid state, Iraq, and Persia.

Under the rule of the Buyids, the situation of the caliphs worsened, and the country suffered from deteriorating political and economic conditions.

The Abbasids became increasingly frustrated with the Buyids, so they sought the help of the Seljuk Turks, the rising Islamic power in the region. What "Toghrul Beg" did was enter Baghdad with his army and put an end to the Buyid state in the year 1055 AD. At that time, a great upheaval occurred, in which the markets were burned, and looting and killing became rampant.

The Mustansir takes over Al-Andalus following his father

He is the ninth prince of the Umayyad state in Andalusia. His era was a continuation of the period of the Umayyad state's prominence in Andalusia.

His era is characterized by the flourishing of science and literature in Córdoba to a great extent. He was the most book-loving of the Umayyad caliphs and would send men with huge sums of money to acquire rare books for Al-Andalus. He established the Library of Córdoba, which contained up to four hundred thousand volumes.

Education experienced a great renaissance during the reign of Al-Hakam. Literacy spread among the people, whereas the highest-ranking individuals in Europe, except for the clergy, were often illiterate. Al-Hakam established a school to educate the poor for free, and he founded the University of Córdoba, which was one of the most famous universities in the world at the time. Its main hub was the Great Mosque, where all sciences were taught and the greatest scholars were chosen to teach.

The great Spanish scholar, Fendith Bidal, says: "The Andalusian caliphate reached the peak of its splendor during that era, extending its peaceful sovereignty over all of Spain, thereby ensuring public tranquility

The Israeli occupation continues to implement its settlement project in the West Bank at an unprecedented pace, taking advantage of the international focus on the war in Gaza and regional developments.

These moves come under the leadership of far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who does not hide his open intentions to annex the entire West Bank, considering it part of "Greater Israel."

Through a series of measures that integrate administrative decisions, significant funding, and legal regulations, the occupying authorities are working to formally annex the West Bank de facto, without the need for an official declaration; this reflects a new approach that relies on gradualism rather than direct diplomatic confrontation.

In this context, the Israeli government adopted seven main measures to strengthen its grip on the West Bank, establishing a reality that makes the establishment of an independent Palestinian state more difficult than ever, according to a report published by the Negotiations Affairs Department of the Palestine Liberation Organization

1. Transferring powers from the military to a civilian administration:

The occupying authorities have completed the transfer of the authority to manage the settlements from the military to a new civilian administration under the leadership of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. A "civil deputy" has been appointed, who has been granted the powers of the head of the civilian administration; this means that decisions related to the settlements are no longer in the hands of the military but are instead in the hands of civilian entities that are directly under the control of the far-right government.

2. Legalization of settlement outposts:

The occupation resorted to creating a "path of agreement for legitimacy," aimed at granting official legitimacy to illegal settlement outposts; this allows for their funding and the provision of services to them. An amount of 85 million shekels has been allocated to support these outposts and enhance security within them, which encourages more settlers to move there, thereby entrenching Zionist control over new areas of the West Bank.

3. Seizing more land:

"Israel" has announced 24,193 dunams (one dunam = 1,000 square meters) as "state land," with the aim of expanding settlement areas, legalizing agricultural outposts, and accelerating the implementation of new settlement plans. This policy is not new, but it has significantly accelerated in recent years, as the occupation uses legal and administrative means to seize Palestinian lands and reallocate them in favor of settlements.

4. Massive financial support for settlement:

The occupying government has provided unprecedented financial support to the settlements by allocating one billion shekels (the dollar = 3.7 shekels) to cover the security needs of the settlements for the years 2024-2025, in addition to seven billion shekels to expand the network of roads for the settlers.

The funding aims to strengthen the infrastructure that makes the presence of settlers in the West Bank more sustainable, while Palestinians are being denied the opportunity to develop their basic infrastructure.

5. Devoting discrimination in favor of the settlers:

The occupation authorities launched what is called "Equal Citizenship Reform," which is a project aimed at improving public services provided to settlers through government ministries, while Palestinians in the West Bank continue to live under exclusionary and restrictive policies. This "reform" reinforces systemic discrimination and grants settlers additional privileges, making the reality of annexation more entrenched.

6. Imposing Zionist laws on the settlers:

The occupying government has completed the imposition of its civil laws on settlers through military orders, which means that the settlements are now effectively subject to "Israeli" law, rather than the military law that is supposed to apply to the occupied territories. This step reinforces the legal separation between settlers and Palestinians, making the settlements closer to being part of the occupying state, while Palestinians are deprived of any equal legal rights.

7. Establishing a legal unit for annexation:

In a new step, the Israeli Ministry of Defense has established a new legal advisory unit under the supervision of Smotrich, which will take over the responsibilities of the civil administration that were previously under the control of the military. This shift reflects the occupation's desire to transform the West Bank into an area subject to direct civil administration, thereby reinforcing the actual annexation without the need for an official declaration. This is a blatant violation of international law and the Geneva Conventions.

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The book "The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering" is a critical work by American Jewish academic and researcher Norman Finkelstein, published in 2000. It addresses the topic of the "Holocaust" from two main perspectives: the first concerns the interpretation of the narrative surrounding the "Holocaust," and the second focuses on how that narrative is exploited for political and commercial purposes.

The book stirred wide controversy, as it faced criticism from some Jewish and Zionist circles. It was translated into Arabic twice; the first time by Samah Idris in 2000, and the second time by Saud Attia in 2001.

Finkelstein criticizes the excessive and misleading use of the history of the "Holocaust" by certain groups and organizations, particularly those that benefit from perpetuating the image of the Jewish victim.

He believes that some Jewish organizations, such as the "American Jewish Union," have exploited the "Holocaust" as a political pressure tool to achieve their interests, such as strengthening military and financial support for the occupying state.

It also directs sharp criticism at some academics who work to establish the image of the "Holocaust" as a unique event that cannot be questioned, despite the fact that the book calls for recognizing other historical atrocities such as the Armenian genocide.

Finkelstein compares the "Holocaust" to the suffering of other minorities that have faced persecution and extermination in various parts of the world, warning against the selective use of the "Holocaust" to pressure people or distort historical facts.

The media figure Ahmad Mansour says in an interview on the program "Without Boundaries" with the author of the book in 2004: "Although the book does not exceed 160 pages, the number of articles written about it is not in the dozens, but in the hundreds. These articles have been published in most Western newspapers, especially the reputable and famous ones."

Mansour added that the book presents a bold study that reveals the "Holocaust" industry, unveiling the groups behind it and their objectives, as well as the means and methods employed by the Jewish lobby to blackmail countries around the world.

The book, according to Mansour, also discusses how these individuals obtained tens of billions of dollars in compensation for the victims of the "Holocaust," which were subsequently distributed to "Israel" and Jewish groups, in addition to layers of lawyers and other beneficiaries.

The main axes of the book.

1. The Manufacture of the 'Holocaust

The book indicates that the "Holocaust" has become part of a cultural and historical industry that benefits a certain group, and how the Jews have been able to exploit this suffering to achieve political, economic, commercial, and social gains. It sharply criticizes the Zionist and Jewish institutions, some of which profit from this suffering.

2. political exploitation

The book explains how the "Holocaust" is used by some political powers to achieve special interests, and how it is exploited as a tool for political and economic manipulation, focusing on how Zionist institutions and some governments exploit this historical event to achieve material and moral gains.

3. Skepticism about the official narrative

The author calls for a critique and review of some academic and media positions related to the "Holocaust," and the exaggeration in presenting its events in order to create a public opinion and a broad narrative around it, which affects the objective understanding of historical events in favor of the Jews.

4. The role of "Israel" in exploiting the "Holocaust":

The text discusses how the occupying state has used the "Holocaust" as a means to enhance its political legitimacy and international support, and how it is exploited to justify "Israel's" policies against the Palestinians, gain international sympathy for them, and strengthen its position in the conflict.

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The Al-Aqsa Mosque has four minarets, all of which were built during the Mamluk era, between the years 677-769 AH (1278-1367 AD). Three of these minarets are located along the western side of Al-Aqsa Mosque, starting from Bab al-Ghawwamah (the Gate of the Ghawwamah), then Bab al-Silsilah (the Gate of the Chain), and finally Bab al-Magharbah (the Gate of the Moroccans). The fourth minaret is situated on the northern side, between Bab al-Asbat (the Gate of the Tribes) and Bab al-Hutta (the Gate of Hutta).

The absence of minarets on the southern and eastern sides is due to the fact that Al-Aqsa was built on a hill that rises in the middle and north and declines in the east and south. Minarets require a solid and elevated location. Additionally, human and residential activity after the Umayyad period was concentrated in the western and northern areas, making the need for minarets in these regions greater than in others.

1. 1. Minaret of Bab al-Magharbah (The Honorary Minaret):

This minaret is located at the southwestern corner of Al-Aqsa Mosque, close to Bab al-Magharbah, precisely above the northwestern corner of the Women's Mosque. It is named the Honorary Minaret in reference to Sheikh Judge Sharaf al-Din ibn Fakhr al-Din al-Khalili, the custodian of Islamic endowments in the city of Jerusalem, who oversaw its construction along with the nearby Fakhriah School in the year 677 AH (1278 AD).

This minaret was built without a foundation and is considered the smallest minaret of Al-Aqsa Mosque, standing at only 23.5 meters tall. The upper part of it was damaged in an earthquake in 1341 AH (1922 AD), after which the Higher Islamic Council demolished and rebuilt it in the same year in a beautiful style, placing a dome on the upper square that had not existed before. Recently, the Al-Aqsa Mosque Reconstruction Committee restored it and covered its dome with lead.

Today, one can ascend to the minaret from the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque via 50 steps leading up to the Islamic Museum (formerly the Mosque of the Moroccans). For many years, the minaret has been fighting attempts by the occupiers to silence the call to prayer, claiming that it disturbs them, which forced the Islamic Waqf Administration in Jerusalem to adjust the loudspeakers so that they point inward towards Al-Aqsa and reduced their volume, depriving the residents of the village of Silwan, located south of the blessed Al-Aqsa, from hearing its call.

2. 2. Minaret of Bab al-Silsilah:

It stands above the western arcade of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, slightly to the north of Bab al-Silsilah, and is also known as the Minaret of the Court, as it is located near the Sharia Court building, which is also known as the Tinkaz School.

Both the minaret and the school are buildings of Prince Sayf al-Din Tinkaz al-Nasiri, built in the year 730 AH (1329 AD) during the reign of Sultan al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qalawun. The Higher Islamic Council rebuilt it after an earthquake damaged it in 1341 AH (1922 AD), and it was also restored a few years ago by the Al-Aqsa Mosque Reconstruction Committee.

One can ascend to it through the entrance of the Ashrafiya School via approximately 80 steps. Its base is square, and it stands at a height of 35 meters.

The Minaret of Bab al-Silsilah is considered the only minaret among the four minarets of Al-Aqsa Mosque from which the muezzins have been calling the adhan daily until the use of loudspeakers began in the muezzins' room facing the gate above the courtyard of the Dome of the Rock.

The minaret is located in a very sensitive position, overlooking the occupied Buraq Wall, which has been referred to as the Western Wall by the occupation since 1967.

3-  Minaret of Bab al-Ghawanima:

It is located on the northern arcade of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque at its far west near Bab al-Ghawanima, which is named after it. Its current construction dates back to the era of Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur Hossam al-Din Lajin in the year 697 AH / 1297 AD, but some archaeologists state that it was originally built during the Umayyad period. It was renewed during the reign of the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad bin Qalawun in 730 AH / 1329 AD, and it was named "Qalawun Minaret." It was also called the Minaret of the Saraya due to its proximity to the Saraya building located outside Al-Aqsa Mosque, which served as a seat of authority during the Mamluk period. The Islamic Supreme Council renewed it in 1346 AH / 1927 AD during the British occupation.

It is the tallest and most ornate minaret of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, with a height of 38.5 meters, and it rests on a square base, while its upper part is octagonal, accessed by 120 steps. Due to its height, which overlooks various aspects of Al-Aqsa, the Zionists sought to control it through the adjacent Omariyah School, which the occupying municipality had taken over since the beginning of the occupation. Additionally, the western tunnel opened in 1996 passes near the foundations of this minaret, resulting in its cracking, necessitating its last restoration in 2001.

4-  Minaret of Bab al-Asbat:

This minaret is located on the northern arcade of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque between the gates of al-Asbat and Hatta. It is also known as the "Sulaymaniyah Minaret" because it is located near the Sulaymaniyah School outside the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, which became the Church of St. Anne during the Ottoman period.

This minaret was built during the reign of Mamluk Sultan al-Ashraf Shaban under the supervision of Prince Sif al-Din Qutlubgh in the year 769 AH / 1367 AD on a square base like the other minarets of Al-Aqsa. During the Ottoman period, it was rebuilt in a cylindrical shape similar to the Ottoman minarets, becoming the only cylindrical minaret in Al-Aqsa.

Its height is 28.5 meters, and it was cracked due to an earthquake in 1346 AH / 1927 AD, forcing the Islamic Supreme Council to demolish its upper section and rebuild it anew. When the Zionist occupation of Jerusalem occurred in 1967, the minaret was damaged from being hit by shells, and it was completely restored afterward by the Committee for the Reconstruction of the Blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, and its dome was covered with lead.

The book "Hamas... Unwritten Chapters" is published by the Zaytuna Center for Studies and Consultations in Beirut and authored by the Palestinian writer Dr. Azam Tamimi. The book, spanning 343 pages in medium size, offers the first two chapters for free download, allowing readers to access the beginning of this in-depth study on the "Hamas" movement.

 New Chapters in the Movement's History

The book is a qualitative addition to understanding the "Hamas" movement's vision for itself and the world around it. It discusses the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from the movement's perspective, outlining its positions on various means of conflict resolution, revealing the principles that "Hamas" adheres to, and highlighting what it can accept for settlement and what political options it rejects.

 The First Edition in Arabic

The first edition of this book was published in English in 2007 by Hurst Publishing in London. The Arabic edition presented by the Zaytuna Center is the first translated into Arabic, making it an essential reference for researchers interested in the subject.

 Chapters of the Book

 Chapter One: Beginnings:

The book begins by reviewing the incident that ignited the spark of the Palestinian uprising on December 8, 1987, as well as the conditions that contributed to the birth of the "Hamas" movement afterward. It also highlights the developments that occurred in the two decades leading up to the establishment of the movement.

 Chapter Two: From Call to Jihad:

This chapter addresses the story of the "Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine" since 1977 when they began planning to launch their own resistance project, which took practical shape with the onset of the Palestinian uprising in 1987. It clarifies the role of Islamic institutions such as the Islamic Association and the Islamic University in supporting Palestinian society.

 Chapter Three: Total War:

This chapter covers the development of the "Hamas" movement and the significant events that affected it after its establishment, starting from the repercussions of the First Intifada to the Oslo Accords signed between the Palestine Liberation Organization and "Israel" in 1993.

 Chapter Four: To Jordan:

This chapter narrates the story of the transfer of the leadership of the "Hamas" movement to Jordan following Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait and the pressures faced by the Jordanian authorities as a result of the Wadi Araba peace agreement. It also reviews the incident of Dr. Moussa Abu Marzook's detention in New York and the outcomes of this case.

 Chapter Five: The Attempt on Mashal’s Life:

This chapter recounts the failed "Israeli" assassination attempt on Khaled Mashal, and the unexpected consequences that followed, which helped to strengthen "Hamas's" position.

 Chapter Six: Exiting Jordan:

This chapter discusses the events that led to the complete expulsion of the "Hamas" movement from Jordan.

 Chapter Seven: The Liberation Ideology of Hamas:

This chapter presents "Hamas's" stance on Jews and the state of "Israel," and it discusses the military means the movement relies on to resist occupation, including martyrdom operations. It also highlights the evolution of the movement's political discourse since the issuance of its charter in 1988.

Chapter Eight: Jihad and Martyrdom:

This chapter addresses contemporary discussions surrounding the issue of martyrdom within contemporary Islamic political thought.

 Chapter Nine: "Hamas," "PLO," and "Palestinian Authority":

This chapter discusses "Hamas's" position on "Fatah," its primary competitor on the Palestinian scene, and the complex relationships between the two movements.

 Chapter Ten: Towards a Third Intifada:

The book concludes by addressing the repercussions of Yasser Arafat's death in November 2004, the developments that led to "Hamas's" victory in the 2006 legislative elections, and the attempts made by the movement's opponents to politically weaken it.

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