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One of the priorities of the contemporary Islamic movement after the official fall of the Islamic caliphate in 1924 is the restoration of the Islamic caliphate as an international entity for the nation. Muhammad Rashid Rida stated in his book "The Caliphate: On the Rule of Imamate and Appointment of the Caliph": The predecessors of the nation, the people of Sunnah, and a majority of other sects agreed that the appointment of an imam – that is, his governance over the nation – is a duty upon Muslims by religious law, not merely by reason. One of the peculiarities of Islam is that it is a global religion. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: "Every Prophet was sent to his people specifically, and I was sent to all people in general," which has been adopted by the Islamic movement.
Imam Hassan al-Banna also stated: Islam is a comprehensive system that encompasses all aspects of life; it is a state, a homeland, a government, and a nation. It is morality, strength, mercy, and justice. It is culture, law, science, and judiciary. It is material, wealth, gain, and richness. It is jihad, call (to Allah), an army, and an idea, just as it is sincere faith and correct worship, equally so. This necessitates a relationship between religion and state and implies that this nation must have a political international entity referred to in traditional literature as the caliphate.
Hassan al-Banna set out the stages of the call to action and its ranks about the Muslim brother: reforming the self, establishing the Muslim household, guiding the society, liberating the homeland, reforming the government, and restoring the international entity of the Islamic nation, to lead the world.
However, there is a confusion between the comprehensiveness of the understanding of Islam and the comprehensiveness of the organization working for it. Islamic organizations transcended national boundaries and continents, overshadowing the specificity of national states and their sovereignty, leading to the problem of reconciling the universality of the idea with the national organizational framework, the universality of the call with the sovereignty of the state, and placing the national dimension of the Islamic movement on the table for research and questioning.
This confusion is compounded by the structural crisis that accompanied the establishment of modern national states, which manifests itself in:
The crisis did not stop at the legitimacy of the political systems governing these states but extended to their foundations, which were established on the basis of despotism, corruption, and forgery. The principles of consultation and democracy were not respected in their formation, nor were they built on legitimacy and legality. Most of them gained dubious independence from colonial powers.
Each modern national state developed its own specific sub-identity, overshadowing national or religious identity.
Due to the crises of legitimacy and identity of modern national states, these Islamic movements were established, proposing their reformist and transformative projects. However, they encountered a duality of belonging to the nation within the context of the universal Islamic idea and belonging to the homeland within the sovereign borders of the national state. This raised the central issue of the role of the state in the thought of the contemporary Islamic movement and its national dimension. Ideologically, it was founded on the dream of restoring the Islamic caliphate, only to face the challenge of establishing an Islamic state within the geographic boundaries inherited from modern colonialism.
Some Islamic movements have embraced the concept of the national dimension. Yet, there is an intellectual immaturity in their dealings with the nations (countries), considering them merely geographical borders that represented the division of the nation by its enemies (France, Britain, and the endorsement of the Tsarist Russia on the Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916). Thus, they argue for rebellion against these boundaries and disbelief in them, which entangles these Islamic groups in confrontational choices that undermine the Islamic project itself. Some have even expressed a stark ideological crisis by stating: "The homeland is an idol," necessitating a reconsideration of the relationship between religion and state, an issue that was not raised prior to the official fall of the Islamic caliphate in 1924. Consequently, the debate arose regarding Islam's need for a state and the nation's need for the caliphate to rejuvenate civilization once again.
The national dimension in the thought of the contemporary Islamic movement was established based on several legitimate considerations, including:
The Prophets were attached to their homelands, and there is no clearer evidence of this than their supplications for their lands. As the Qur'an immortalizes our master Abraham's (peace be upon him) approach to the national dimension, Allah Almighty said: "And (remember) when Abraham said: 'O my Lord! Make this city (Mecca) one of peace and security, and provide its inhabitants with fruits, those of them who believe in Allah and the Last Day.'" (Qur'an 2:126). The ideological project of a Muslim is linked to their empowerment in the land, as Allah said: "Those who, if We give them power in the land, establish prayer, pay zakat, and enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong. And to Allah belongs the outcome of all matters." (Qur'an 22:41).
Moreover, Islam has established legal rights based on geographical proximity, regardless of religion, race, or language. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: "There are three types of neighbors: The first, who has one right, is a polytheist neighbor with no ties of kinship; they have the right of neighborhood. The second, who has two rights, is a Muslim neighbor who has the right of Islam and the right of neighborhood. The third, who has three rights, is a Muslim neighbor with kinship ties; they have the right of neighborhood, the right of Islam, and the right of kinship."
The pioneers of the contemporary Islamic revival have placed immense importance on the question of belonging to the homeland. Abdul Hamid Ben Badis (1889 – 1940) published the newspaper "Al-Muntaqid" in 1925, adopting the slogan: "Truth is above everyone, and the homeland is before everything." He spoke about the national uniqueness of Algeria, which is completely different from France, stating: "This Algerian Islamic nation is not France, nor can it be France, and it cannot become France even if it wanted to."
The resonant and emphatic slogan of the Association of Algerian Muslim Scholars carried significant national dimensions: "Islam is our religion, Arabic is our language, and Algeria is our homeland." The best embodiment of Ben Badis's patriotism was an article he began with the question: "For whom do I live?" He responded, "I live for Islam and Algeria," serving as a model of national belonging.
Among the pioneers of the contemporary Islamic movement is Sheikh Mahfoud Nahnah, may he rest in peace, who expressed his national perspective in his book "Algeria: The Desired... The Missing Equation." In the fourth chapter, he discusses "nationalism," considering that the national political project is based on the principle of complete and total independence, and on the pursuit of building a sovereign national state. He asserts that the fundamental characteristic that has shaped the national liberation movement in the country—ideologically, practically, and in terms of struggle—is the Islamic nature, which combines the national dimension with the Islamic identity of the state.
The thought and trajectory of contemporary Islamic movements have dynamically interacted with the project of the modern national state, carrying a vision for liberating nations from all forms of political, economic, and cultural colonialism, and developing them within the framework of their natural identity, strengthening their resilience and enhancing their ability to occupy a respectable position on the international map.
While the Islamic movements have firmly established their national dimension from a conceptual and methodological standpoint, there is a need to further enhance that civilizational path. This requires a renewed awareness of the nature of national challenges and a greater engagement in the revival and development paths of their countries, which would hasten their resurgence as a united nation once again.