After the most right-wing government in Israel's history took office, the events in the first half of 2023 have reinforced the belief that an independent Palestinian state is not likely to be created. Ghada Karmi, a Palestinian doctor who previously served as an Associate Fellow at the Royal Institute for International Affairs, is among those who have recognized the importance of looking beyond the two-state solution. (1)
In her most recent publication, "One State: The Only Democratic Future for Palestine-Israel," Karmi offers a historical summary of the Palestine conflict, followed by her two main points. First and foremost, it is believed that the two-state solution is no longer viable. In her opinion, there is no better example of hope prevailing over reality than the two-state solution. Karmi lists reasons why creating separate states in Israel-Palestine is not feasible: the Jewish takeover of Jerusalem and the West Bank, the Gaza Strip's isolation, the construction of the West Bank Wall, and the difficulty of allowing Palestinian refugees to return to the crowded West Bank. (2)
Edward Said & Azmi Bishara
Karmi continues the legacy of Palestinian thinkers who rejected the possibility of a two-state resolution. In 1999, after the failure of the Oslo Accords he had no faith in, Edward Said stated the need "to discuss dividing the land that has brought us together, dividing it democratically with equal rights for all citizens." In a recent book, Azmi Bishara pointed out that the two ethnic groups are now intermingled and unable to inhabit separate states, therefore they must strive to coexist equally in a single state. (3)
This leads us to the second primary point made in Karmi's book, which is that the solution to the conflict is the merging of Palestine into a single state for all its people. (4) The author analyzes the two main versions of the proposed one-state solution throughout history. Alternatively, there are bi-national suggestions where Arabs and Jews would live together in one country but maintain their ethnic distinctions. Bi nationalism has become less popular recently. In contrast, the secular democratic model suggests a political system that relies on individual citizenship and the idea of one person having one vote. Karmi is leaning towards this alternative. (5)
Bi-nationalism
She maintains that the presence of both Arab and Jewish claims to the land would persist under bi-nationalism, and due to the military and economic strength of the Jewish community, Arabs would become inferior citizens in the proposed unified nation. Her opinions are clearly reinforced by the actual situation of Palestinians who hold Israeli citizenship. Additionally, Karmi highlights that a secular democratic society would more accurately represent Palestine's diverse religious and ethnic populations, including Israeli Jews and non-Jewish Arabs.
Karmi suggests ideas to establish a secular democratic state in Palestine, including transforming the Palestinian Authority into a leader of equal rights. However, she is more persuasive arguing against a two-state solution and promoting a secular democratic model than she is when discussing how to create this state. (6)
Equal Rights
This doesn't mean the author is naive, as she acknowledges that achieving an equal rights system will be challenging and will require a gradual approach. However, Karmi's book doesn't fully examine key challenges to establishing a secular democratic state in Palestine. She points out that Israel's use of "Palestine's land and resources"(7) would present a significant obstacle to overcome in establishing a secular democratic state.
The issue, however, is even more intricate. Social equality is crucial for legal and political equality to have significance. Mazen Masri, a Senior Lecturer at City Law School, University of London, explains that for a one-state option in Palestine to be viable, reparations, including restitution of property, are necessary to address the economic inequality between Palestinians and Israelis. (8) Currently, Israel's per capita GDP exceeds $44,000 US annually, while the West Bank and Gaza only reach slightly above $3,000.
Unity Uprisings
In May 2021, following the Israeli actions in Sheikh Jarrah and Gaza, Palestinians in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Israel started large protests and boycotts known as the "Unity Uprisings." Karmi characterizes the uprisings as having "a sense of excitement, a sense that something was shifting." (9) She notes a shift in the strength of pro-Palestinian voices in Europe and the US post-uprisings, suggesting a challenge to the regular pattern of Israeli brutality and Palestinian resistance with no outcome. Through the "Unity Uprisings", where Palestinian resistance united, Karmi sees potential for a secular democratic state encompassing all of Palestine. The imbalance in economic and military strength between Israel and the Palestinians could lead one to believe that Karmi's optimism may be misplaced. However, one also wishes that Karmi's hopeful outlook is not in vain.
-------------------------------------
[1] Ghada Karmi, “Palestinians Need a One-State Solution,” The Guardian, December 20, 2012, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/sep/20/one-state-solution-palestinians-israel.
[2] Ghada Karmi, One State: The Only Democratic Future for Palestine-Israel (London: Pluto Press, 2023), p. 87.
[3] Azmi Bishara, Palestine: Matters of Truth and Justice (London: Hurst and Co., 2022), p. 286.
[4] Karmi, One State: The Only Democratic Future for Palestine-Israel, p. 169.
[5] Ibid., p. 150.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid., p. 148.
[8] Mazen Masri, “Constitutional Frameworks for a One-State Option in Palestine: An Assessment,” in Rethinking Statehood in Palestine: Self-Determination and Decolonization Beyond Partition (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2021), p. 228.
[9] Karmi, One State: The Only Democratic Future for Palestine-Israel, p. 157.
[10] Ibid.
